segunda-feira, 18 de novembro de 2019

População do Irã Incendeia Banco Central do País



O país do petróleo resolveu aumentar em 50% o preço da gasolina. Acho que é bem pior do que aumentar em 20 centavos o preço da passagem de metrô no Chile.

Além disso, claro, Irã é uma ameaça nuclear global e especial para Israel e seus aliados. Trump abandonou o acordo com o Irã para conter o avanço nuclear do país feito pelo Obama e os europeus, porque o Irã estava violando-o continuamente, e continua violando. Trump também fez sanções econômicas contra o Irã por conta dessas violações e assim o país está em caos econômico.

Em todo caso, a população tocou fogo no Banco Central do País e realizou outros atos violentos, como relata a BBC




Protestos alcançam 100 cidades iranianas. E governo fechou acesso à internet.

Abaixo parte de notícia do site Politico que mostra o líder islâmico do país, Khamenei, ameaçando a população (que ele chama de baderneiros) por conta dos protestos. Ele acusou a família do ex-shah do Irã, Reza Pahlavi, e uma organização chamada MEK (Mujahedeen-e-Khlaq) que anteriormente ajudou a derrubar Reza Pahlavi mais hoje é inimiga do poder islâmico no Irã (parece ter viés esquerdista, mas é uma questão complexa)

Iran’s top leader warns ‘thugs’ as protests reach 100 cities

The government recently raised gasoline prices by 50 percent.


DUBAI, United Arab Emirates — Iran’s supreme leader on Sunday cautiously backed the government’s decision to raise gasoline prices by 50% after days of widespread protests, calling those who attacked public property during demonstrations “thugs” and signaling that a potential crackdown loomed.

The government shut down internet access across the nation of 80 million people to staunch demonstrations that took place in a reported 100 cities and towns. That made it increasingly difficult to gauge whether unrest continued. Images published by state and semiofficial media showed the scale of the damage in images of burned gas stations and banks, torched vehicles and roadways littered with debris.

Since the price hike, demonstrators have abandoned cars along major highways and joined mass protests in the capital, Tehran, and elsewhere. Some protests turned violent, with demonstrators setting fires as gunfire rang out.

It remains to be seen how many people were arrested, injured or killed. Videos from the protests have shown people gravely wounded.

Iranian authorities on Sunday raised the official death toll in the violence to at least three. Attackers targeting a police station in the western city of Kermanshah on Saturday killed an officer, the state-run IRNA news agency reported Sunday. A lawmaker said another person was killed in a suburb of Tehran. Earlier, one man was reported killed Friday in Sirjan, a city some 500 miles southeast of Tehran.

In an address aired Sunday by state television, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei said “some lost their lives and some places were destroyed,” without elaborating. He called the protesters “thugs” who had been pushed into violence by counterrevolutionaries and foreign enemies of Iran.

Khamenei specifically named those aligned with the family of Iran’s late shah, ousted 40 years ago, and an exile group called the Mujahedeen-e-Khalq. The MEK calls for the overthrow of Iran’s government and enjoys the support of President Donald Trump’s personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani.

“Setting a bank on fire is not an act done by the people. This is what thugs do,” Khamenei said. The supreme leader carefully backed the decision of Iran’s relatively moderate President Hassan Rouhani and others to raise gasoline prices. While Khamenei dictates the country’s nuclear policy amid tensions with the U.S. over its unraveling 2015 accord with world powers, he made a point to say he wasn’t an “expert” on the gasoline subsidies.









sábado, 16 de novembro de 2019

"Papa" Quer Incluir Pecado Ecológico, Pecado Pessoa Jurídica, contra o "Ecocídio"



Já passou muito da hora de tirar esse impostor de lá do Vaticano.

Vejam o discurso dele, veja se ele entende o que significa pecado. Não, se entende, despreza completamente. Ele fala de um pecado pessoa jurídica, as empresas teriam que se confessar em nome da selva.



quarta-feira, 13 de novembro de 2019

Escolha seu Lado. O que é Golpe Político Hoje em Dia?


Hoje li o historiador Victor Davis Hanson explicar a estupidez do processo de impeachment nos EUA com 10 razões de por que isso é estúpido. Só o niilismo explica tamanha loucura. Leia as 10 razões da estupidez do processo de impeachment de Trump clicando aqui.

O niilismo anarquista nunca esteve tão forte no mundo. Perde-se dia após dia a ideia do certo e errado. Quando não se sabe o que é certo, o errado já venceu.

Inúmeros países estão em crise, por vezes provocadas por coisas impensadas há pouco tempo.

Quem imaginaria alguém acusar o presidente do pais mais rico do mundo com base em uma conversa que não presenciou, só ouviu falar e isso se tornar sério a ponto de ser base de impeachment, mesmo que os acusadores sejam só da oposição (não há um só membro do partido do presidente no Congresso que apoia tamanho exemplo de niilismo)?

Quem imaginaria um país no qual um condenado por corrupção por 8 juízes em duas instâncias jurídicas, passando por todos os métodos jurídicos com toda a grana possível, fosse solto por 11 membros da suprema corte, em ato que põe toda a ordem jurídica de um país de joelhos por causa de  um condenado?

E na Bolívia, onde um presidente renunciou, depois de tentar subverter a constituição para ficar pela quarta vez no poder e de fraudar as eleições, que este ex-presidente diz que sua renúncia foi um golpe. Quem pode acreditar nisso? Mas tem muita gente que acredita.

E sobre a Venezuela, onde o povo morre de fome por conta do tal socialismo bolivariano, até o Papa apoia o regime. Quem imaginaria isso da decrepitude da Igreja junto com a Venezuela?

E na Argentina, com inflação gigantesca, o povo eleger quem colocou o país nisso. Quem imaginaria?

E no Chile, onde manifestantes matam policiais e destroem igrejas a luz do dia e ninguém faz nada. Quem imaginaria um governo tão inepto?



Prof.Hermes Nery sobre Sínodo da Amazônia na Câmara dos Deputados



Meu amigo, professor Hermes Rodrigues Nery, fez um pronunciamento sobre o Sínodo da Amazônia e os riscos para a soberania brasileira na Câmara dos Deputados. Assistam, acima.

terça-feira, 12 de novembro de 2019

G.K Chesterton viu o Lula


Chesterton, até onde eu sei, nunca falou sobre o Brasil ou América Latina, ele escreveu sobre e visitou os Estados Unidos. Mas os Estados Unidos são muito diferente da América Latina, além de serem muito diferente da Europa, como o próprio Chesterton disse.

Mas sempre me perguntei o que escreveria Chesterton sobre a América Latina, com toda a nossa tendência para desprezar princípios, leis, sejam positivistas ou religiosas. Nós realmente parecemos achar que a vida acaba hoje e não vale à pena respeitar nenhum princípio, seja ele o mais basilar da humanidade. O céu e o inferno parecem ser semelhantes para os latino-americanos.

Mas o que Chesterton diria ao ver o Lula?

Vou aqui seguir o modelo do petista Elio Gaspari e imaginar como seria isso. Viaje comigo, imagine que tenha recebido um email de Chesterton do céu que fale do Lula.

De Chesterton@luzdivina...para o Brasil de Lula

Brasil, eu não conheci vocês em vida, estava ocupado demais nas batalhas intelectuais do meu país. Não posso dizer que me arrependo, pois a casa de uma pessoa é coisa mais importante para ser defendida, mesmo que a pátria seja a mesma de Jeremy Corbyn. Eu colocaria minha armadura para defender Jeremy Corbyn dentro de minha casa, mesmo que aos prantos. Além disso, as batalhas intelectuais que lutei ultrapassaram em muito a Inglaterra, muitos vezes perdi batalhas na China e vejo que perdi muitas batalhas no Brasil.

Olhando para o mundo, eu muitas vezes penso que vi bondade e luz demais em meus inimigos intelectuais, mesmo que os tenha atacado impiedosamente com palavras. Mas talvez tenha sido isso que me trouxe aqui, de frente para a Luz Divina.

Apesar de não ter falado no Brasil, um dos meus maiores amigos aqui é GustavoCorção@luzdivina.... Aliás, HillareBelloc@luzdivina...adora ele também.

Aqui, o tempo é eterno, como todos aí devem saber, menos os jornalistas que sempre falam que fiéis religiosos são do passado. Sendo o tempo eterno e visão de Deus indescritível, como disse em vida nosso amigo SãoTomásAquino@luzdivina..., nós não costumamos nos preocupar muito com o dia-a-dia, na terra, pois até o mal serve ao bem, como disse Tolkien@luzdivina..., o mal nunca vence.

Em todo caso, meu amigo GustavoCorção@luzdivina....estava especialmente frustrado no último dia 7 de novembro, aliás 7 de novembro foi o dia que começou a revolução comunista na Rússia em 1917, ano que a Nossa Senhora estava entre vocês terrenos e avisou sobre a Rússia. Hoje, parece que o mundo está querendo se tornar uma América Latina, pois querem fazer Nossa Senhora de Pachamama, mas isso é assunto para outro email.

Perguntei ao escritor de "Três Alqueires e uma Vaca", por que ele estava tão frustrado naquele dia 7, no momento em que ele piscou os olhos da Luz Divina. Ele me respondeu que eu tinha perdido a batalha na América Latina e que um tal de Lula, que não seria um molusco, mas uma pessoa, seria o maior exemplo de minha derrota.

Em vida, a graça divina me permitiu escrever um livro sobre São Tomás de Aquino sem precisar ler quase nada sobre ele, então não precisei piscar os olhos para entender o Lula.

Vi o Lula saindo de preto entre vermelhos, pois havia sido solto por encapuzados de preto que destilaram sofismos condenados por Sócrates@limbo..., para não citar princípios religiosos.

O discurso de Lula era de alguém que fala para mortos. Lula parecia caminhar em um cemitério, pois suas palavras não eram ouvidas, e não precisavam serem ouvidas. Lula também parece que não sabe o que diz, ele é um louco racional, como qualquer louco, e está bêbado, e os mortos que ouvem também estão bêbados. A racionalidade dele é tão básica que até a matemática parece dizer que 2 mais 2 é 3. Ele quer o poder, o poder sem lei, sem princípios, sem regras, para fazer nada, absolutamente nada.

Se o meu detetive no livro "O Homem que era Quinta-Feira" caça intelectuais e artistas por eles serem mais perigosos que os ladrões. A minha batalha no Brasil foi perdida para todos os três tipos, intelectuais, artistas e ladrões. Também perdi a batalha para os bispos da Terra da Santa Cruz, eles costumam lutar em defesa de uma estrela vermelha e de um anel de tucum.

Não há muitos no Brasil do lado de GustavoCorção@luzdivina..., a imensa maioria não o conhece. Aliás, não consegui descobrir com GustavoCorção@luzdivina...o que os brasileiros estão lendo e ouvindo.O país realmente lembra um cemitério.

Olhei para os chamados poderes terrenos do Brasil, uma casa que parece um H de horda, bando, máfia, parece estar já nas profundezas, do outro lado da rua, vi um palácio segurado por colunas muito finas, construído por alguém que adorava a Rússia, mas o líder da casa tinha consciência mais fina ainda, do lado esquerdo era a casa dos encapuzados que jogaram tapete vermelho para o Lula, estes parecem já desejarem ser anjos de Lúcifer.

GustavoCorção@luzdivina...tem razão para frustração, alías GustavoCorção@luzdivina...parece sempre ter razão, mas vamos voltar para a Luz Divina, foi só um piscar de olhos, talvez o passado que é eterno salve o Brasil, se um dia os brasileiros desejarem novamente chamá-lo de Terra da Santa Cruz.

Do amigo de vocês, com amor,

Chesterton.



A Culpa de Ratzinger e Wojtyla no Vaticano II. Além de Lubac, Rahner, Kung, Chardin....Tenha Medo de Padres Usando Gravatas.



Na frente do Papa Francisco, o Papa Honório I, que foi excomungado, é um santo. Na frente do Papa Francisco, João Paulo II e Bento XVI são conservadores radicais, mas eles não são assim, nem foram conhecidos por serem assim, pelo contrário, ambos foram conhecidos e confessaram que eram liberais ou no máximo moderados. Francisco é fruto também das ações de Bento XVI e João Paulo II como intelectuais, além de ser fruto da renúncia de Bento XVI.

Claro que a situação atual não começou no século XX, eu diria que dentro da Igreja, a coisa começou com os inimigos de São Tomás no século XIV.

Mas no caso de Bento XVI e João Paulo II, ambos se tornaram mais ou menos conservadores depois de assumirem o pontificado (inclusive por verem os erros que defendiam), antes disso, eles pavimentaram o Concílio Vaticano II no que teve de pior: ódio à tradição católica, infelizmente.

No século XX, foi a tal "Nova Teologia", que teve em Ratzinger (Bento XVI) um dos mais renomados defensores, a maior responsável pela geração que produziu o Papa Francisco. Wojtyla (João Paulo II) foi menos relevante na defesa da "Nova Teologia", mas aplaudiu e promoveu muitos dos seus adeptos (como de Lubac, que ele tornou cardeal)

Acima vai um vídeo realmente essencial para entender o Vaticano II e os seus padres engravatados (Ratzinger, Wojtyla, Kung, Chardin, de Lubac) defensores da "Nova Teologia", que desprezavam os ensinamentos tomistas, negavam o pecado original e diminuíram a importância da Igreja Católica para salvação das almas.

O vídeo tem como base de análise um artigo de Timothy Flanders. Recomendo ler o artigo primeiro, depois ver o vídeo.

Pena que não tenho tempo para traduzir o vídeo que tem mais de 1 hora e meia.

No vídeo, também se recomenda a leitura de um um texto clássico de Reinald Garrigou-Lagrange, chamado Where is the New Theology Leanding Us? e e a encíclica Humane Generis do Papa Pio XII (o link da encíclica está em português).

Também há menções de grandes livros do grande Dietrich von Hildebrand. Recomendo qualquer livro dele, mas é mencionado o Cavalo de Troia na Cidade de Deus  e também The Charitable Anathema.



segunda-feira, 11 de novembro de 2019

Cardeal Burke "Bate Fofo".


Na foto acima, eu recebo o livro de Burke "O Amor Divino Encarnado" e entrego meu livro "Teoria e Tradição da Guerra Justa", foi um momento muito especial para mim.

Burke, seguramente, é o cardeal sob o qual a imensa maioria dos católicos conservadores colocam suas esperanças nesta guerra aberta pela Igreja de Cristo.

Há três anos, Burke e mais três cardeais (dois morreram desde então) colocaram o Papa na parede sobre a encíclica Amoris Laetitia, ao lanlarem o Dubia. E o Papa nunca o respondeu, o desprezou completamente. Todos esperam que Burke lança a "correção formal" contra o Papa desde então, mas Burke nunca esboçou que faria isso. Assim, aqueles que confiam em Burke vão perdendo as esperanças.

Burke está sempre nas conferências, seminários que condenam as inúmeras palavras e ações do Papa que promovem heresias e apostasias (eu cataloguei todas essas possíveis heresias aqui no blog e também coloquei no meu livro "Papa Francisco: dos Sapatos Pretos à Heresia?").

Mas será que Burke é capaz de sair de um homem de palavras e textos para um homem de ação? 

Eu acho que não, ele me parece aquele estudante brilhante, mas que tem muito medo de ações. Certa vez, o escritor P. J. O'Rourke disse que alunos Tipo A viram funcionários de alunos Tipo B e C, porque são estes que têm coragem de arriscar. Eu até que discordo dele, acho que a imensa maioria dos alunos tipo C viram funcionários ou desempregados, mas me lembrei dessa frase de O'Rourke ao ler um entrevista de Burke.

No dia 9 de novembro passado, Burke deu uma extensa entrevista para o New York Times. Infelizmente para mim, ficou claro que ele não será capaz de agir. O entrevistador, Ross Douthat, fez a perguntas que interessam.

Na minha terra, quando alguém ameaça e, na hora de agir, age de maneira muito débil, fraca, a gente diz que a pessoa "bateu fofo". Acho que Burke "bate fofo" na hora que se pergunta sobre como ele vai agir. Pode ser estratégia? Pode. Mas acho que Cristo gosta mais de guerra aberta em sua defesa.

A entrevista é longa, mas Burke basicamente disse:

"É verdade, Francisco me demitiu de todos os meus cargos, me deixou um cardeal sem fazer nada. Está claro que o Papa não me quer em nenhuma posição de liderança. É verdade, Francisco escreveu heresias em documentos oficiais. É verdade, o Papa não está exercendo sua autoridade na defesa da doutrina milenar da Igreja. É verdade, o Sínodo da Família desejava realmente mudar a doutrina milenar da Igreja sobre casamento. É verdade, o documento do Sínodo da Amazônia prega apostasia. É verdade, ações do Papa podem provocar um cisma na Igreja. É verdade, o Papa tem maioria entre os cardeais, nomeou sempre quem o apoia. É verdade, se o Papa aceitar o que está escrito no documento da Amazônia, ele provocará um cisma".

Mas, confrontado com tudo isso, ele basicamente disse:

"Eu não sou inimigo do Papa. Eu rezo pelo Papa todo dia. Eu nunca vou criticar o Papa pessoalmente. Eu não tenho nada a ver com o jovem que jogou a Pachamama no rio. As mídias sociais mostram posições extremas contra o Papa, eu não faço parte disso. Eu não farei parte de nenhum cisma. Eu não vou fazer o Lefebvre fez".

Acho que ele podia ter respondido simplesmente que se a situação exigir, vai fazer sim o que Cristo demanda. Mas ele "bateu fofo".

Infelizmente, minhas esperanças nas ações de Burke diminuíram consideravelmente.

Parece que Burke não é o homem que precisamos, mas rezemos por ele.

Aqui vai a parte mais relevante da entrevista:

 DouthatLet’s talk about how your position has changed under this pope.


Burke: It might be good to start with the 2014 Synod of Bishops on Marriage and the Family. I was still prefect of the Apostolic Signatura. And I spoke strongly in favor of the church’s traditional discipline with regard to marriage and divorce.
Douthat: This was a synod called by Pope Francis, where a core controversy was whether divorced and remarried Catholics should be permitted to receive communion without an annulment.
Burke: Yes — we were told repeatedly this is not what the synod is about, but in the end, that is what it was about. And it was about a rethinking of the church’s teaching on human sexuality, with talk about finding the good elements in genital acts between people of the same sex, finding the good elements in sexual intercourse outside of marriage.
During one of the breaks, Cardinal Caffarra [Carlo Caffarra, the late archbishop of Bologna], who was a dear friend of mine, came up to me and he said, what is going on? He said those of us who are defending the church’s teaching and discipline are now called enemies of the pope. And that is symbolic of what happened. Throughout my priesthood, I was always criticized for being too attentive to what the pope was saying. And now I find myself in a situation where I’m called the enemy of the pope, which I am not.
I haven’t changed. I’m still teaching the same things I always taught and they’re not my ideas. But now suddenly this is perceived as being contrary to the Roman pontiff. And I think here what’s entered in is a very political view of the papacy, where the pope is some kind of absolute monarch who can do whatever he wants. That has never been the case in the church. The pope is not a revolutionary, elected to change the church’s teaching. And a lot of the secular view is people looking at the church, but not understanding her profound reality.
Douthat: But this is not just a secular view.
Burke: Oh, no. It’s inside the body of the church. No question. I heard it from cardinals during the 2014 synod.
Douthat: Give me an example …
Burke: Well, one said we have to realize, finally, that marriage is an ideal that not everybody can meet and therefore we have to accommodate the church’s teaching to people that just can’t live their marriage promises. But marriage is not an “ideal.” Marriage is a grace, and when a couple exchange vows, they receive the grace to live a faithful lifelong procreative bond.

Even the weakest person, the most poorly formed person, receives the grace to live the marriage covenant faithfully. In my pastoral experience I encountered people in all kinds of situations, and insisting on the truth of the situation, it’s not easy. But I found that people, in the end, are really grateful for that. I’ve lived long enough to even have people who opposed me very strongly, years later corresponding with me telling me they understood finally what it was that I was doing. These things are natural, but I don’t think the church ever serves her mission by compromising with the world.
Douthat: Going back to the Holy Father himself, you have said that people have accused you of being the enemy of the pope. Do you think Francis regards you as his enemy?
Burke: I don’t think so. He’s never said that to me. I don’t meet him frequently, but in the encounters I’ve had he’s never reprimanded me or accused me of having inimical thoughts or attitudes toward him.
Douthat: But he has certainly demoted you.
Burke: Yes.
Douthat: Can you walk through your changing offices?
Burke: Well, in December of 2013 he removed me from the congregation of bishops. Then he removed me from the Apostolic Signatura, to name me Cardinal Patron of the Order of the Knights of Malta. And then in 2016, he took that away — he left me with a title, but I don’t have a function.
Douthat: So you are now a cardinal without portfolio.
Burke: Yes, that’s correct. It’s clear that the pope doesn’t want me in any leadership position, that he doesn’t see me as the kind of person he wants to be giving any strong direction to things. But I’ve never had the impression that he thinks I’m his enemy.

Douthat: But beginning with the synod on the family, you have been a consistent critic of specific acts and general tendencies of this pontificate.
Burke: I maintain that that’s my duty as a cardinal. I tried to always communicate directly with the pope about it: I don’t like to play games with people, to pretend that I’m thinking one thing while I’m thinking the opposite. You won’t find me ever criticizing the pope personally. But when I saw what I judged to be harmful directions in the church, when I saw this whole discussion in the synod on the family calling into question the foundations of the church’s teaching on human sexuality, I had to speak up because it was my duty.
Pope Francis’s ultimate response to that discussion was a papal exhortation, Amoris Laetitia [The Joy of Love], that included a footnote that seemed, ambiguously, to offer permission for different dioceses and countries to allow communion for the remarried. To Burke, this permission represented a dereliction of papal duty.
Douthat: How would you distill your critique of how the pope is handling the debates he’s opened?
Burke: I suppose it could be distilled in this way: There’s a breakdown of the central teaching authority of the Roman pontiff. The successor of St. Peter exercises an essential office of teaching and discipline, and Pope Francis, in many respects, has refused to exercise that office. For instance, the situation in Germany: The Catholic Church in Germany is on the way to becoming a national church with practices that are not in accord with the universal church.
Douthat: Which practices?
Burke: Calling for a special rite for people of the same sex who want to marry. Permitting the non-Catholic party in a mixed marriage to regularly receive the Holy Eucharist. These are very serious matters, and they’ve basically gone unchecked.
Douthat: But isn’t the decision of when to exercise authority inherent in the pope’s authority itself? Why isn’t it within his power to tolerate local experiments?
Burke: He really doesn’t have a choice in the matter if it’s a question of something contrary to the church’s teaching. The teaching has always been that the pope has the fullness of power necessary to defend the faith and to promote it. So he can’t say, “This form of power gives me the authority to not defend the faith and to not promote it.”

Douthat: If Francis asked you to cease publishing criticisms of him, would you?
Burke: Not if I felt it was a question of the truth. If he said to me, you’re stating lies, you’re attacking the office of the Roman pontiff, then that I would cease. But I don’t. I try not to tell lies. And I’ve never attacked the office.
This distinction between the office and the man is how Burke reconciles his criticisms with a continued belief in papal authority and papal infallibility. A pope can mistakenly tolerate heresy, he suggested, or advance errors “in a very colloquial context, news conferences on airplanes and things like that,” even as the Holy Spirit still prevents him from teaching heresy in a formal way.
This is a narrower view of papal authority than many conservative Catholics embraced in the John Paul II and Benedict XVI eras, though it does have a reasonable historical pedigree within the church. But I pressed the cardinal on whether it’s really a sustainable position.
Douthat: The issue isn’t just what Pope Francis might tolerate or say casually to an interviewer, right? A document like Amoris Laetitia is clearly an official act. And its apparent permission slip creates a reality where the reasonable observer sees a new teaching or a change. In which case, aren’t conservative Catholics left holding onto a sort of esoteric religion, one that exists in older documents but doesn’t seem to influence the present life of the church?
Burke: Well, that’s not my experience. I travel a lot, including places which are considered to be very progressive like Germany, France. And everywhere I go, I find a significant number of young couples with children, of young single people, young priests who treasure their tradition, which is considered to be old or rigid and petrified or whatever term you want to use. They’re on fire. And I don’t find young people who buy this agenda of accommodation to the world. The younger people, they’ve experienced the bankruptcy of the culture. A lot of them have suffered through divorce in their families or they’ve been plagued with the evil of pornography. And they want a church that teaches them clearly the way to eternal salvation, the way to lead a good and decent life on earth.
Douthat: I agree that the Catholic subculture you describes exists. But I also see, as this pontificate has advanced, a growing paranoia and alienation among conservative Catholics, a temptation toward conspiracy theories that shade into sedevacantism, the belief that the pope is not the pope. I’m curious whether you worry that criticism of the pope contributes to this.
Burke: It’s true that for all the good social media does, they also give a voice to these extreme positions. And in my criticism I’ve been deeply concerned not to call into question respect for the papal office.

Douthat: You believe Francis is a legitimate pope?
Burke: Yes, yes. I’ve had people present to me all kinds of arguments calling into question the election of Pope Francis. But I name him every time I offer the Holy Mass, I call him Pope Francis, it’s not an empty speech on my part. I believe that he is the pope. And I try to say that consistently to people, because you’re correct — according to my perception also, people are getting more and more extreme in their response to what’s going on in the church.
I also asked Burke about whether this extremism is bound up with the right-wing populism roiling Western politics. Certainly Francis’s inner circle regards conservative criticism of this pontificate as one with Trumpism in the United States, a variation on the same reactionary impulse.
The cardinal sidestepped the larger question a little, but he was eager to distance himself from a specific exemplar of populism.
Douthat: What about your own relationship to Steve Bannon, which has been a source of great media fascination?
Burke: I came to know Steve Bannon through my involvement with the Dignitatis Humanae Institute, an association founded to assist European parliamentarians in following the demands of the moral law. Eventually, Bannon also became involved in its work. I met with him on three or four occasions, as I recall, to discuss Catholic teaching with him. From my point of view, they were conversations of a priest with a member of the lay faithful, which concerned the moral duty of a Catholic in public life. When the media presented more and more my relationship as my cooperation in his particular political program, I had to clarify the matter.
The final straw was the announcement of his plan to make a movie of the book by Frédéric Martel, “In the Closet of the Vatican,” a project [concerned with closeted homosexuality among Catholic clergy] with which I was in complete and clear disagreement. It was necessary for me to make clear that I have never been part of Bannon’s political organization. In my relationship with him, I have tried to fulfill my mission, as a priest, to teach the faith and morals for the common good.
This circumspection about politics, however, disappeared when we turned to the Amazonian synod. Burke objected to its consideration of married priests, but like many traditionalists he seemed most concerned about the synod’s attitude toward indigenous religion — beginning with the working document, the blueprint for the meetings.

Burke: For instance, what was proposed in the working document, I have said, and I believe, is in apostasy from the Catholic faith. A denial of the unicity and universality of the redemptive incarnation of our Lord Jesus’ saving work.
Douthat: You mean the parts that talk about the spiritual value of pre-Christian religious traditions in the Amazon?
Burke: I mean the idea that Jesus’ grace is one element in the cosmos — but it’s the cosmos, the world, that is the ultimate revelation. And therefore, even in going to a region like the pan-Amazon region, you wouldn’t be concerned to preach the gospel because you recognize there already the revelation of God. This is a falling away from the Christian faith.
During the synod, a controversy erupted over a wooden statue of a naked, kneeling pregnant woman, which was used by indigenous attendees in a prayer service and displayed in churches in Rome. She was sometimes described as an image of the Virgin Mary, sometimes as an embodiment of fertility or nature or Mother Earth. This ambiguity convinced many traditionalists, Burke included, that pagan worship was being smuggled into the church: “The statue in question is an idol,” he told me flatly.
In the last days of the synod, a young traditionalist Catholic took one of the statues from a Roman church and hurled it into the River Tiber. He subsequently revealed himself as an Austrian named Alexander Tschugguel, and there was a picture on Instagram showing him with Burke. When I asked about the incident, I expected the cardinal to disavow any personal knowledge of the young man.
Burke: While I know quite well and regard highly Alexander Tschugguel, especially for his courageous and tireless work in defending the inviolability of innocent human life and the integrity of the family, I had nothing to do with his removal of the pagan idols from the Church of Santa Maria in Traspontina and his throwing them into the Tiber.
At the same time, knowing his deep Catholic faith, I can understand why he found it intolerable that pagan idols be displayed in a Catholic church. It reminds me of similar situations in Old Testament times, for example, the case of the Maccabee brothers, and the case of so many confessors and martyrs, who would not tolerate that the Catholic faith be denied through the worship of pagan idols. Having listened to Alexander’s statement regarding his actions, I can only express my respect for him and my gratitude for his courageous witness to the faith.

It was also in discussing the Amazonian synod that Burke brought up the specter that hangs over Francis-era debates, the idea of a schism in the church.
Burke: While the final document is less explicit in the embrace of pantheism, it does not repudiate the statements in the working document which constitute an apostasy from the Catholic faith.
The working document doesn’t have doctrinal value. But what if the pope were to put his stamp on that document? People say if you don’t accept that, you’ll be in schism — and I maintain that I would not be in schism because the document contains elements that defect from the apostolic tradition. So my point would be the document is schismatic. I’m not.
Douthat: But how can that be possible? You’re effectively implying that the pope would be leading a schism.
Burke: Yes.
Douthat: Isn’t that a deep contradiction of how Catholics think about the office of the papacy?
Burke: Of course. Exactly. It’s a total contradiction. And I pray that this wouldn’t happen. And to be honest with you, I don’t know how to address such a situation. As far as I can see, there’s no mechanism in the universal law of the church to deal with such a situation. 
One mechanism outside that law would be the kind of open schism that Burke’s critics accuse him of fomenting. I asked him if that was imaginable.
Douthat: Can you imagine any situation that would justify the equivalent of what Archbishop Marcel Lefebvre did in the 1970s, when as a leader of a community of traditionalist Catholics he consecrated his own bishops in defiance of Rome?
Burke: Schism, that can never be the will of Christ. Christ can never will a division in his body. People come to me and say, look, cardinal, it’s time, we have to go into schism. And I say no, it’s not possible. Our Lord can’t want that, and I’m not going to be part of any schism.
Douthat: Does all this affect your faith?
Burke: No, I trust our Lord. He said, I’m with you always until the end of time. And so it doesn’t test my faith. It makes me concerned about my own wisdom and courage to deal with such a situation. And for better or worse, I am a cardinal of the church, with a heavy responsibility.
Douthat: But the majority of the cardinals for the next papal election are now appointed by Pope Francis himself. And for anyone watching these debates from the outside, from a secular perspective, this feels like a familiar story — where you have liberalization, resistance, the resistance is overcome, the institution moves on. So figures like yourself are seen, not necessarily as terrifying grand inquisitors, but as well-meaning old men out of touch with the inevitable future.
Burke: If the Catholic Church were simply a political institution, I think your description would be quite accurate — that here we have these conservatives who are resisting a change, the majority are in favor and it goes forward. But the church is always governed by the living tradition, which is a question of grace, of divine grace in the church. So I trust that somehow the Lord will bring all of this to a good conclusion. But I think there’s a lot of suffering to be endured going forward.
For my own part, I simply wanted to be able to say, with St. Paul, that I fought the good fight, I stayed the course, I kept the faith. And it doesn’t matter to me if people say, well, he’s just an old man who was out of touch with the world and it’s sad, he made this fuss, now it’s over and we move on.
I know that I have to give an account to our Lord and I wanted to be able to say to him that even if I made mistakes, I had tried to defend him, to serve him. That sounds like a pious comment, but it’s what really drives me — and that’s all.